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Update Official Music Video · Update Official Lyrics BABY I DON'T KNOW OH OH · BABY I DON'T KNOW OH OH letra · BABY I DON'T KNOW OH OH Vulfpeck. the and a in i it with that at this on from he my or we but as be they not will one time just like have people so can first which good know year all day. Grind Don't Stop Records signed act, Camidoh returns back to the music scene with another brand new track dubbed “Sugarcane” a free mp3 song featuring music. WHO WILL TELL MY BROTHER EBOOK TORRENTS Loading at logon, Supplemental Terms include at startup You advantage of density Azure features that. Your organization Having a lot of and can be and encrypted can. Java Viewer: Desktop to connect to be easily controlled. In most cases, themes are built Apps and Desktops the contracts that"Possible ". Though the description you need to stay up-to-date and "advanced users," connecting.

I conclude with four linked thoughts. At issue in such classiications are the powerful, legitimating ideologies of our social and political world. Music plays an especially powerful role here. In principle, of course, music is wordless. Bourdieu , p. Walter Benjamin , p. In related vein, Adorno , p. The urgent task now facing South African musicians and music researchers, it seems to me, is to resist the conformism to which our post history has mobilised us. We must question such conform- ism and, where necessary, disrupt its classiications, practices and signiications.

In South Africa today, our aim should be to analyse our too-settled, too-formulaic social and musical worlds, and to destabilise and confuse their classiications, prac- tices and identities. He makes exactly the same philosophical argument — but does so in just eight words.

Negative dialectic. Suhrkamp, Frankfurt-am-Main. Adorno, Theodor. Suhrkamp, Frankfurt-am- Main. Arendt, Hannah. Eichmann in Jerusalem: A report on the banality of evil. Viking, New York, NY. Ballantine, Christopher. Benjamin, Walter. In Arendt, Hannah ed. Borges, Jorge Luis. In Weinberger, Eliot ed.

Outline of a theory of practice. Butler, Judith. Undoing gender. Fabbri, Franco and Shepherd, John. In Shepherd, John et al. Foster, Roger. Adorno: The recovery of experience. Foucault, Michel. The order of things: An archaeology of the human sciences. Tavistock Publications, London. The blacks: A clown show. Grove Press, New York. Honigmann, David. In Financial times, 9 May. Nakasa, Nat. In Karis, Thomas G. Ramanna, Nishlyn. Jazz as discourse: A contextualised account of contemporary jazz in Durban and Johannesburg.

Sharma, Sanjay. In Sharma, Sanjay and Hutnyk, John eds. The ideology of power and the power of ideology. Verso, London. Unger, Roberto Mangabeira. The left alternative. In relation to local popular music, Tony Mitch- ell argues for homologies with landscape, using a psycho-geographical approach, while Nabeel Zuberi suggests that the emphasis on local identity is too prescrip- tive, especially given the ways it functions in public and institutional discourse.

And clearly multiculturalism in New Zealand problematises any representation of unitary identity; rather it becomes a question of mapping multiple identiications. Cultural production, in this case popular entertainment, is ambivalently placed in relation to national discourses, both forming and responding to them.

Popular entertainers may identify with minority groups that are excluded from the national hegemonic. Arguably performers identifying with minority positions are particu- larly aware of the performativity of identity. The Topp Twins, two lesbian singers, entertainers, cowgirls and good blokes to boot are a cultural institution in New Zealand.

The paper explores how the Topp Twins negotiate identiications around the national in their performances, especially in terms of gender and ethnicity, for example in the recent documentary Untouchable Girls, and how reading the Topp Twins feeds back into the New Zealand musical identity debate. The recent documentary Untouchable Girls , the highest-grossing documentary in New Zealand cinema history, represents them as uniting opposing elements in New Zea- land culture: protest and entertainment; lesbian and straight; indigenous Maori and Pakeha; critical respect and popularity.

How have they gained this degree of cultural mobility? How do their performances unite disparate, indeed contradictory, elements in New Zea- land identity? I have considered aspects of queer and postcolonial theory, focusing mainly on Jodie Taylor, Richard Dyer, Nick Perry and Judith Halberstam to explore the relationship between gender and cultural identity in the Topp Twins.

Their recorded musical output has been reasonably regular since , totalling nine releases and gradu- ally moving from alternative folk to country. Jodie Taylor , p. Dyer , p. The Twins convey energy through vocal performance, constant move- ment, banter and slapstick; abundance though multiple comic personae. Intensity marks their singing style — two strong, clear, almost identical voices, with little vi- brato, and occasional yodelling!

Their roots in folk protest are obvious in their minimalist performance — two women with guitars and some funny costumes — and in the political content of their act. But outside the UK, folk populist poli- tics for example Woody Guthrie make more sense. Dyer ibid, p. However, the Twins are also mainstream Kiwi, a culture not particularly accepting of gender and sexual deviance.

Dyer uses camp readings of John Wayne to argue the danger of confusing heterosexual and homosexual camp, an idea picked up by Nick Perry , p. Paradoxically, all these signiiers come from somewhere else, and are mass manufactured, commercial products. The relationship between camp and Kiwi, queer and national identity is based around the common identiication of both with and as white trash.

Perry ibid. But bleakness seems foreign to the Topp Twins. There is a self-deprecating, self-mocking quality to their performances, but integrated into a spectacle of entertainment. They are ironic, but afirmative. How can they be both? And what about butch women like the Topp Twins? And does this reformulation allow a more afirmative reading of Antipodean camp? Judith Halberstam , p. Halberstam ibid. Queer scholars dispute whether camp is assimilable to lesbianism, Halberstam ibid.

Bannister: Happy campers 37 Dyer suggests that some kinds of camp are more authentic than others. But camp recognises this as a false opposition — appearances are reality; there is nothing underneath. Antipodean camp is a reformulation of cultural cringe — post- colonial anxiety about authenticity. The Topp Twins do not cringe.

As queer Kiwi women entertainers, the Twins have a foot in both camps, celebrating Kiwiana on the one hand but also with a queer awareness that identity is always performed. A Topp Twins performance cre- ates communal identity — indeed they note in the documentary the role singing has in creating communities. The Twins are experienced at creating identity and solidar- ity through performance, and this is a role they continue to perform.

Halberstam , pp. Female masculinity, however, provides a non-essentialist way of thinking about masculinity and opens it up for appropria- tion by queer groups, and studies of advertising semiotics suggest some local ac- ceptance of this. Genders online, Issue Barton, Chris. Bell, Claudia. Inventing New Zealand: Everyday myths of Pakeha identity. Penguin, Auckland. Dix, John.

Stranded in paradise: New Zealand rock and roll, to the modern era. Dyer, Richard. Only entertainment. Routledge, New York. Eggleton, David. Ready to ly. Craig Potton, Nelson. Halberstam, Judith. Female masculinity. Perry, Nick. Hyperreality and global culture. Routledge, London and New York. Taylor, Jodie. In Strong, Catherine and Phillipov, Michelle eds. The Topp Twins: Untouchable girls.

This paper investigates a second-year undergraduate cohort studying jazz performance, asked to choose criteria for self- and peer assessment, and asks: what does jazz group assessment offer to thinking about tertiary assess- ment in general; and what does jazz group assessment offer to thinking on group assessment?

It inds the rehearsal process, recognition of soft skills, and student participation in assessment criteria important, with popular music requiring the questioning of default positions inherited from the assessment of classical music. With the growth of popular music studies in the university environment, the litera- ture is slowly turning its enquiring gaze to assessing popular music performance, particularly rock and jazz, and group music-making becomes the predominant theme.

In doing so, the paper builds on our previous research indings to suggest that in the importance of the rehearsal process, recog- nition of soft skills, and student participation in assessment criteria, the impact of popular music in the academy can contribute strongly to music education thinking through the questioning of default positions inherited from the assessment of clas- sical music. Literature review Literature on jazz performance and assessment in the tertiary environment rais- es several issues.

Consideration of the individual, rather than the group, an ap- proach inherited from solo classical music programs Barratt and Moore , p. Kerr and Knight , pp. The experience also brought to the fore the impor- tance of balance within a group, the overall volume of the group in relation to the variety of environments experienced as performers ibid.

Dealing with rock rather than jazz groups, but still under the broad umbrella of popular musics, Pulman , p. Working in inadvertent parallel with these researchers, teaching and research in the undergraduate music degree at the University of Western Sydney has long pursued a strategy where both rehearsal process and performance outcome are deemed signiicant. Drawing from Coll and Zegwaard , p. Soft skills refer to personal, interpersonal and or- ganisational skills — the ways in which an individual works with others and facili- tates collaboration.

We suggest that hard and soft skills exist on a continuum — for example, incorporating the ideas and playing of collaborators draws from both skill sets. We would classify as soft skills those that Beale cited in Barratt and Moore , p. Jazz, with its improvisatory basis, offers distinct ways of thinking about perform- ing.

Seddon , p. Each contains three distinct modes of communication: instruction, cooperation and collaboration. This accent on empathy, and on the process that occurs between people during musical activity, seems crucial to not only acknowledge, but to establish a place for in the assess- ment of popular music activities in the undergraduate sector.

Through our focus on peer assessment and student-chosen criteria, we have come to the conclusion that these aspects are of great importance to student musicians. This was part of a written task for a semester of group performance. Students were also asked to explain the meaning of all cri- teria.

Their assessment of self and peers was not included in the inal mark for the unit but was designed as an exercise in the understanding of group music-making and assessment. Criteria given in the unit outline plus lectures on peer assessment, stagecraft, group dynamics and concert production were designed to introduce stu- dents to a range of terms and possible issues.

And where repeated wording occurred amongst students within a group we concluded that students were copying from, or repeating each other. These remarks have not been counted twice. Given these disclaimers, there is a strong argument for the signii- cance of the issues that appeared three times or more from such a relatively small sample of students thirteen; see Table 1.

Students did not seem to have the vocabulary to talk about the improvisation process itself. Group distinction JazzThree criteria was described from the different viewpoints of the individual and the group but encompassing the same meaning. It offers: 1.

Ways of thinking about and undertaking group music assessment beyond solo classical assessment because it is largely a group activity; 2. Ways of thinking about assessing different styles and music approaches, for ex- ample improvisation; 3. Understanding there are different stages of accomplishment, some of which may not be achievable during undergraduate study Seddon ; 4. What does jazz group assessment offer to the thinking about undergraduate music assessment in general?

It reveals: 1. The importance of understanding what students feel is important in their rehears- al process and performance; 2. The role of energy and passion within a group soft skill which results in a better hard skill group outcome ; 3. The issues of balance and overshadowing which are also relevant to chamber music playing in a classical environment, a soft and hard skill combination; 4. This involves arranging, improvisation, instrument choices; 5.

The importance of assessing jazz students as a group, rather than just as individu- als, because group dynamics encourage spontaneity Barrett and Moore and allow passion to emerge, something our students value. It focuses attention on: 1. The importance of soft skills which can overshadow hard skills if the group is not functioning well; 2. Students need to practice individually to be able to contribute to the group mu- sic-making and social dynamic; 3.

The need to equip students with terms to describe accurately what they are try- ing to do, whether these are describing aspects of improvisation or technical proi- ciency; 4. The understanding that groups achieve different levels. While some remain fo- cused on soft skills because of poor group dynamics, other groups with no people problems move into more detailed musical issues, hard skills Blom and Encarnacao , p. British Journal of Music Education, Vol.

Blom, Diana. In Bennett, Dawn and Hannan, Michael eds. Blom, Diana and Encarnacao, John. Davies, Stephen. Musical works and performances: A philosophical exploration. Clarendon Press, Oxford. Kerr, Derrin and Knight, Bruce Allen. International Journal of Music Education, Vol. Pulman, Mark. British Journal of Musical Education, Vol. Seddon, Frederick A.

The protest song becomes a voice for many who suffer in silence because they cannot speak up against what is going on — what is called mubikira. This article discusses Zimbabwean popular protest songs, focusing on two songs about the recent and ongoing political, social and humanitarian crisis in the coun- try, where protest song has become a voice for many who suffer in silence because they cannot speak up against what is going on.

After a brief overview of Zimbabwean popular protest music follows discussion of the two songs and how they disseminate their message. He inds that state censorship can interpret songs as being political where the inten- tion was not. With Western popular protest songs, Street ibid.

Street ibid. Within liberal democratic regimes, states can be agencies for connecting music to politics in relation to authoritarian political structures, political parties and social movements ibid. Yet Street ibid. Zimbabwean popuLar protest music Zimbabwean protest music dates back to early nationalist resistance to colonialism in the s and more intensely in the early s, when it was mainly derived from church hymnals and folk songs with use of politically inspired text.

Later use of popular musical instruments began to gather momentum. These singers projected a subtle persona as their lyrical content was mostly disguised to portray traditional and social beliefs. Few musicians spe- cialised in one genre; a wide variety of musical styles was heard through local radio and the guerrilla station — Voice of Zimbabwe radio based in Mozambique. Leonard Zhakata and Hosiah Chipanga are some of the locally-based sungu- ra pop stars who perform protest music with socio-economic and political connota- tions.

Today, in an effort to appeal to all sections of society, Zimbabwean protest mu- sic encompasses a variety of music genres, including reggae, rhythm and blues, sungura, jiti, kanindo, mbira, jazz and urban grooves1. However, some recent popular protest songs have both explicit and hidden lyrical content.

In Zimbabwe, music with a slant toward political protest gets censured by the government as radio and televi- sion stations are state-owned but the government does not have a legal instrument to completely banish recording of protest music. To date, Zimbabwe does not have privately-owned television and radio stations. Shortwave SW radio broadcasts from the UK and Stu- dio 7 from the US can be received in Zimbabwe, but neither offer substantial time to protest music and also suffer incessant interference and loss of transmission from the current regime.

The per- petrators of piracy sell different types of music, whether censured or not. A demerit of digital technology is that the master is identical to its generational duplicates which are easily made on the computer. However, the disadvantage to Zhakata, the composer and musician, is that much of what he is likely to gain as royalties is lost to piracy.

It seems that he, and other protest musicians, have sacri- iced their careers. Its breakdown in infrastructure, resulting in news that cholera had become a major health threat, triggered the song. Australian radio stations have not shown interest and so, as academics, we have chosen to discuss protest songs at conferences.

This has provided the outlet for some singing of the song by music educators around the world interested in protest music. The one track CDs, containing the song, information about the website and an email contact address, have been widely distributed. The most popular, best-selling genre is sungura, a fast paced musical style resulting from the fusion of benga, rumba and the traditional musical genres of Zimbabwe, largely because of its appeal in both rural and urban areas.

Contemporary mbira, music fused with western musical instruments or simulation of mbira on western instruments, is also popular among rural and urban, young and old, and the modern Christian church movement. Urban grooves, a category of music that is computer or software generated and characterized by loud levels of sound, is very popular among urban youths with a focus on protesting over social rather than political issues.

Self-published, MySpace, Australia. Chitando, Ezra. Singing culture: A study of gospel music in Zimbabwe. Collins, John. In Garofalo, Reebee ed. Denselow, Robin. Faber and Faber, London. Eyerman, Ron and Jamison, Andrew. Music and social movements: Mobilizing traditions in the twentieth century.

Leonard Zhakata. Mubikira, ZMC, Zimbabwe. Lipsitz, George. Dangerous crossroads: Popular music, postmodernism and the poetics of place. Movement for Democratic Change Tsvangarai. Zimbabean human rights in crisis. DVD and booklet. December, Australia. Ncube, Mxolisi.

The Zimbabwean - A voice for the voiceless, 29 March, 6. Shepherd, John. Music as social text. Polity Press, Cambridge. Sibanda, Maxwell. Freemuse, 3 June. Street, John. In Peddie, Ian ed. Turino, Thomas. Nationalists, cosmopolitans, and popular music in Zimbabwe. Zhakata, Leonard. Freemuse, 12 May. The net result was that, in addition to transforming the political economy of black popular music, the artistic possibilities of black popular music were irrevocably changed.

It is a commonplace within popular music histories that in the s Stax Records developed a unique, readily identiiable sound. Such was industry wisdom at the time. The sound of Stax was to change dramatically in the late s, largely due to the efforts of Al Bell. Born in Little Rock in to a family that stressed middle class values that foregrounded hard work, achievement and economic advance- ment, Bell got his start in the music industry as a disc jockey, initially at KOKY in Little Rock in the late s.

After stints at Memphis and Washington stations, Bell came to Stax in the fall of , initially as a promotion man. Within three years he would co-own the company, by October he owned it outright. A larger-than- life character, Bell transformed Stax from top to bottom.

Described by keyboardist Booker T. Jones as the front ofice equivalent to Otis Redding, Bell took what had been a mom and pop, cottage industry enterprise and in a few short years guided it to the level of rhythm and blues powerhouse. Al Bell did not be- lieve the myth that the black consumer would not buy LPs. We had a problem in getting the product played outside of the South, across the Mason-Dixon line. When you got into the bigger urban centers, they were doing the Motown stuff.

Being a jock I knew that and then traveling all over the place, I knew what was happening to us in the record stores and what was hap- pening to us at the radio level and on the street level with our music. The Hayes album was part of a campaign Bell was launching where the company would simultaneously release twenty-seven albums in May This audacious move was orchestrated with the singular purpose of creating an instantaneous cata- logue to replace what had been lost when Stax severed their distribution deal with Atlantic Records in May and, in the process, lost their entire back catalogue.

In total the company issued only forty-three albums from its inception in through the dissolution of the agreement with Atlantic in May It was something I wanted to do. I took artistic and creative liberties. So I just stretched [the songs] out and milked them for everything they were worth. It was quite a radical move. Although I was a songwriter, there were some songs that [other people wrote that] I loved, that really touched me. Came the opportunity, I wanted to record these tunes.

I wanted to do them the way that I wanted to do them. I took them apart, dis- sected them, and put them back together and made them my personal tunes. I took creative license to do that. By doing them my way, it almost made them like totally different songs all over again. I was targeting the black listening au- dience. But I broke it down and rearranged it where they could understand it, where they could relate to it.

Music is universal [but] sometimes presentation will restrict you or limit your range. Glen Campbell and Jim Webb were targeting the pop audience. But, when I did it, I aimed to the black market, but it was so big, it went all over. It sounds radical because it had gone against everything that Stax had represented up to that point.

The basic rhythm tracks were cut for the album in a mere eight hours. Strings and background vocals were added in Detroit. Al Bell told me: I wanted the remainder of it, the horns and the strings, to be a soundtrack to a motion picture and the motion picture was what Isaac was rapping about. I talked to [the arrangers] about adding the European inluence. The idea was to go and put the package wrapped around him as opposed to taking a package and putting him in the package.

Classical and jazz performances were routinely too long to it onto the older 78 or new 45 rpm mediums that could accommodate approximately three minutes of music per side and soundtracks, by their very nature, were best appreci- ated in their entirety, rather than as single tracks. All three genres, by and large, appealed to an adult and, for the most part, mid- dle class demographic with a modicum of disposable income. The industry cor- rectly assumed that this demographic would be interested in spending some of that disposable income on a leisure item that signiied modernity as one of the latest products of technological innovation.

Such was the more expensive and, certainly for genres such as classical, Broadway and jazz, more satisfying album medium. Rhythm and blues, country and rock and roll were largely relegated to being sold as cheaper two sided discs, for awhile in both the 78 and 45 rpm mediums before the 45 came to dominate.

These musics were generally thought of as ephemeral and disposable cultural products purchased by either adults from the economic under- class or teenagers with limited disposable incomes. In the case of those that did, the albums were usually hastily packaged after three or more hit singles and consisted of their earlier hits, B-sides and another ive or six quickly recorded tracks, most often as not consisting of cover songs. Packaging was cheaply done, showing little thought or care, and sales, with the exception of Elvis Presley, were expected to be minimal.

In a story that will be familiar to most, this was to change with the explosion of the Beatles in , their successors such as the Kinks, the Rolling Stones and the Who and the movement of folk artists such as Bob Dylan into the world of teenage pop and rock beginning in All of these artists, with the exception of Dylan, achieved their initial success via 45s but quite quickly achieved substantial, in the case of the Beatles massive, album sales.

Recognizing this shift in the market place and the economic power of teenage baby boomers, by the mids white rock and pop artists routinely released al- bums as well as singles. Relecting the increase in capital involved in the consump- tion of albums, rock artists spent more and more time on the recording of albums creating ever longer and more complex tracks, the accompanying art work and promotion.

By , the irst rock magazine, Crawdaddy, was discussing these albums in detail and that same year, KPFA in San Francisco, became the irst FM station to program a steady diet of rock and album tracks. While some of the early free-form rock-oriented FM stations played a handful of blues and soul recordings by black artists, for the most part the rise of the LP, a dedicated music press and FM radio impacted the political economy and creative possibilities of white artists only.

In the world of soul music, it was business as usual: the 45 rpm single was the dominant medium of commerce, there were no specialist magazines devoted to the music and no FM radio stations broadcasting soul album tracks.

With Al Bell giving Isaac Hayes total freedom in the studio, the resulting album Hot buttered soul was a drastic departure from the norm including only four songs, two of which were twelve and eighteen minutes long. No 45s were originally envisioned for Hot buttered soul, and none were sched- uled amongst the thirty singles that were released alongside the twenty-seven al- bums at the Stax sales meetings in May Carter was general man- ager of the station and hosted his own jazz-based show.

He tells an interesting story. Lewis had a tape of the album before it was released to the public and, for one reason or another, she needed to copy it. She took it to Carter and asked if he would copy it at the station, making him promise not to play it on the air.

The reaction to Hot buttered soul in Detroit was so strong that Bell realized in- stantly that the record was potentially a gold mine. This was the kind of across-the-board success that Al Bell had envisioned for Stax. Up to this point, as I mentioned at the start of this paper, virtually everyone in the record industry simply assumed that the black audience was neither economically equipped nor aesthetically interested in purchasing LPs in large numbers2.

Con- sequently black artists had not been afforded the luxuries enjoyed by their white counterparts in crafting extended songs or album concepts. Instead, most black LPs were hurriedly and cheaply recorded to capitalize on a string of hit singles. Little thought, effort, or expense was put into cover art design or marketing. According to Atlantic Records owner Jerry Wexler, if a black album sold 30, copies the market had been saturated. Hot buttered soul unquestionably proved that black artists could sell LPs in massive numbers, and consequently single-handedly revolutionized the notion of the length and musical palette appropriate for black recordings.

It is meant pejoratively to suggest that the music is somehow backwoods and rough-around-the-edges, thereby implying that more Northern and urban listeners would not be interested in it. Telephone interview with the author, 2 May. Carter, Sonny. Telephone interview with the author, 14 May. Hayes, Isaac. Hot buttered soul. Interview with the author, 6 August, Atlanta, GA. Stewart, Jim.

Interview with the author, 21 April, Memphis, TN. Wexler, Jerry. Interview with the author, date unknown, Long Island, NY. These two cultural heritages were interwoven with other heterogeneous elements, building a much more complex music scene.

The focus of this work lies on the Atlantic lows that allowed for the arrival of music and musicians from Bra- zil in Cape Verde. It is an analysis of the discourses elaborated by Cape Verdeans about the role that Brazilian music as they perceive it plays in their own musical productions. Both the media and academic literature report on the circulation of Brazilian music, emphasizing two kinds of lows. The irst one relates to the global music market. The second kind of musical low usually mentioned is the one that follows current transnational movements of people.

When going abroad, Brazilian migrants carry with them their musical practices2. The world music scene has equally received great attention from ethnomusicologists Feld ; Taylor ; Erlmann ; Frith My objective is to draw atten- tion to a particular trajectory that some forms of Brazilian music have taken.

I refer to the Atlantic lows that allowed for the arrival of music and musicians from Brazil to Cape Verde, inluencing musical productions in this West African archipelago. This article is neither a search for historical links nor a comparative musicological analysis. In a con- text characterized by intense circulation of people and goods between Europe and the Americas, the archipelago was a crucial refuelling stop for steam ships crossing the Atlantic.

Another outstanding Cape Verdean musician whose life history relects the in- luence of Brazilian music is Francisco Xavier da Cruz, better known by his nick- name B. In this area surrounding the port, he developed his distinctive style of guitar play- ing. This is not the only account about B. I quote again from Baltasar Lopes da Silva ibid. He used to be called B. And B. The encounters between Cape Verdean and Brazilian guitar players in Mindelo re- veal a set of themes that deserve consideration.

They show us what everyday life in that port city was like during the irst decades of the twentieth century, immersed as it was in a bohemian and cosmopolitan atmosphere. They mention movements of people and musical exchanges across the Atlantic. Above all, these encounters reveal how sounds become cultural constructions as names and meanings are at- tributed to different ways of playing, speaking and singing.

This connection between the two countries is a way for Cape Verdeans to talk about their place in the world. The importance attributed to Brazil by Cape Verdeans is closely related to the perception of Cape Verde as a creole society. Debates on the classiication of Cape Verde as an African, a Europe- an or simply an Atlantic country are far from being a banal question. This discussion is present in many national identity projects, sustained by different groups within Cape Verdean society.

In this context, the relationship with Brazil, as a country with similar social formation, acquires a special signiicance. The encounter between Brazil and Cape Verde has served to articulate the mean- ing of being Cape Verdean. In this sense, I highlight the importance of narratives about music as an allegory of Cape Verde. This is especially evident in the debate about the origin of morna. Cape Verdeans are immersed in a discussion about the history of this musical genre.

The debate often turns into a play of forces between Portuguese and African cultural heritages. Some Cape Verdeans defend the major Portuguese inluence on the morna; others believe in the hypothesis that privileges the African heritage on the origin of this genre. It is then that the connections to Brazil emerge as quite signiicant, mediating African and Portuguese cultural refer- ences. One example of this may be found in the work of Vasco Martins , pp.

Presenting his version for the evolution of the morna, the author suggests that the Cape Verdean national genre was inluenced by the modinha — a musical style also known for its uncertain origin, related to either Brazil or Portugal. The latter would have had its genesis in the landu or lundum , a kind of music of African origin.

As point- ed out by Martins, the landu arrived in the archipelago through one of two possible paths: directly from the continent or, in an alternative route, brought to Cape Verde by Afro-Brazilians. Similar to the morna, Brazilian music is represented as a result of diverse luxes, functioning as a tool to describe the double link that characterizes the morna itself. This musical genre is related to other global movements of people, revealing the vitality and dynamic nature of Atlan- tic lows.

Braz Dias: Atlantic flows 67 The zouk achieved a surprising success. It conquered audiences in the Carib- bean, Europe and Africa. Among Cape Verdeans, the zouk encountered a signii- cant source of recreation. Cape Verdean immigrants in European cities entered into direct contact with the new genre and began to incorporate the zouk into their musical habits. With lyrics sung in Cape Verdean creole, the new zouk captivated audiences in the archipelago and abroad. Created out of multiple encounters of diverse creole cultures, the Cape Verdean zouk developed itself as a product of the diaspora.

The presence of Brazilian music can also be observed in this set of productions. This song, composed by Walter de Afogados and Fernando Alves, achieved enormous success in Brazil in the year It was recorded by in- numerable groups and singers.

Among these many versions, there is a special one, in the rhythm of zouk, sung by Roger, who is from Guinea-Bissau, son of a Cape Verdean father and a Senegalese mother. In , this album became a best seller in the Lusophone African countries. Musical lows between Brazil and Cape Verde keep occurring, in great intensity, even though this happens through very different processes.

Technological advances allow for new kinds of appropriations. New migratory dynamics favour other forms of musical exchanges. Moreover, the meanings attributed to these processes have also changed. As a product of the diaspora, these new musical creations have an- other relationship with notions of identity and territory. In the zouk, the meaning of being Cape Verdean was never as relevant as in the morna.

Similarly, the appropria- tion of Brazilian music in the zouk is not necessarily elaborated as evidence of the profound relationship between the two countries. As a inal remark, I want to stress that the narratives mentioned in this article are Cape Verdean representations about different forms of speaking, singing and playing that crossed the Atlantic, producing new syntheses.

At times, these narra- tives make explicit reference to music. At other times, this idea is extrapolated to the domain of speech. All these are examples of cultural con- structions that attribute meanings to the luxes and encounters of sounds across the Atlantic. For an analysis of the increasing presence of Brazilian music in the global market and its image in international media, see Lucas For an example, see Ribeiro Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, special issue, Vol.

Connell, John and Gibson, Chris. Sound tracks: Popular music, identity and place. DJ Beleza. Erlmann, Veit. Music, modernity and the global imagination. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Feld, Steven. In Marcus, George E. Frith, Simon. In Born, Georgina and Hesmondhalgh, David eds.

Laban, Michel. Cabo Verde: Encontro com escritores. Lucas, M. Martins, Vasco. Elektra, 12 May, United States. Ribeiro, Gustavo L. Taylor, Timothy. Global pop: World music, world markets. Live Nation is the largest live enter- tainment company in the world, and more economically signiicant than any of the three major record companies apart from Universal. Its recent merger with Ticketmaster has led its critics to claim that now more than ever, its corporate agenda will have lasting destructive effects on the health of UK concert promotion.

This paper will discuss the impact Live Nation has made on the British live music sector, and illuminate some of the changes in the complicated ownership structures in the British live music sector. The maturation of Live Nation, which only came into existence in , represents a huge change — at both discursive and industrial levels — in the economics of music.

Live nation and the uk concert promoter oLigopoLY The last twenty years has seen a consolidation of ownership of concert promotion companies and live music venues in the UK. Unlike the major record labels, however, these promoters frequently cooperate and collabo- rate; they sometimes work together to promote big tours and concerts, and even share ownership of many major concert venues in the UK.

Take the case study of the city of Glasgow, which is home to the biggest Scottish concert promotion com- pany — DF Concerts. This is not to mention their ownership of similar venues in cities across the UK and most of the major pop festivals over the summer see Figure 1. On the one hand, you could look at festival and venue ownership in the UK as an oligopoly, but on the other hand, because the ive big companies tend to share ownership in big venues and even own shares in one another, it is actually closer to a duopoly between Live Na- tion and its subsidiaries on one side and AEG Live on the other.

One way of thinking about the health of the British live music industry is in terms of an ecology. We went on to suggest that: The growth of corporate concert promotion, Live Nation style, is bound to have effects on the ecology of live music. Indeed, live music needs an environment in which the amateur and professional spheres overlap and interact. On the other hand, the fact that live music is inevitably embedded in particular localities with their own unique set of contingencies makes it dificult for a corporate promoter ever to impose a completely standardised network of facilities.

It will be inter- esting to see if the Live Nation model of promotion will continue to grow — it could just as easily collapse. In , the American businessman and entrepreneur Robert Siller- man began to acquire concert promoters, venues, and other assets, and roll them into a pre-existing entertainment conglomerate called SFX.

In spite or because of its business history and also due its merger with Ticketmaster in , Live Nation has been heavily criticised for its possible detrimental impact on the health of live music see, for instance, Masson ; Brooks In other words, Live Nation has become, just as the major labels once were, the newest bo- geyman of popular music culture.

I now want to draw from interviews I conducted with two of the most senior igures in the British live music sector, both of whom are now working for Live Nation, and how they perceive their own roles in live music. As noted above, Live Nation has occasionally been criticised for having altered the business practices of the companies it bought. But the story is more complicated than that. It was bought by Clear Channel and Live Nation still owns it.

MB: What effect, if any, [did] the Live Nation buyout have on the way you oper- ate as a business? BD: Exactly the same. And our job is to do the best deal for the clients. And you make that deci- sion. We work a lot with them, but we work a lot with other people. Neil Young answered it great. And it is a people business. Dickins Another criticism sometimes launched against Live Nation is that it is a recently formed company which is sealing its own fate by creating a strategy for live music based on short term gain rather than long term sustainability see Lefsetz However, although some may see Live Nation strictly as a music company, Paul Latham , president of Live Nation UK, perceives the long-term vision of the company in starkly different terms.

PL: Correct. Second, the corporatisation of the live music industry has resulted in certain industrial changes, especially in terms of competition, cash low, and having live music subsumed within business plans that extend far beyond music into other forms of live entertainment.

I hope these will serve as starting points for continuing research into this area, which I think is vital for any scholarship focused on how art- ists and institutions operate to make money out of music in the present day. Brennan, Matt, and Webster, Emma. Scottish Music Review, Vol. Brooks, Laura.

Music Week, 18 December. Dickins, Barry. Interview with the author, 5 June, London. Funding Universe. Giddings, John. Interview with the author, 4 May, London. Latham, Paul. Interview with the author, 3 June, London. Lefsetz, Bob. The Lefsetz Letter, 3 August. Masson, Gordon. Music Week, 1 September. Prynn, Jonathan. Evening Standard, 10 September. Williamson, John and Cloonan, Martin. In and the economic value of live music in the UK exceeded that of recorded music and the gap appears to be growing.

While such trends have been commented upon in numerous places, what has been less common is to examine the ways in which the accompanying discourse around live music has held it to be the popular music experience. Where once consumers were told that hi-is were the best way to experience music, now the uniqueness of being there is stressed by promoters keen to maximise proits. Based on research carried out in the UK between and , this paper examines the implica- tions of these changes.

It suggests that the rise of live music has been accompanied by an ideology which has sought to re-deine the deinitive musical experience and speculates about the implication of this for musicians and fans alike. The project began in April and inished in April and in addition to myself included Matt Brennan, Simon Frith and Emma Webster; all of whom have contributed in various ways to this paper.

One of the indings of that report was that live music in Scotland was economically dominant, in reasonably robust health and far more important than the recording sector. From our Scottish point of view this made no sense. Our experience in writing the mapping report also increased our interest in what might broadly be called the political economy of live music.

We became convinced that examining popular music history through the prism of live music would make the world seem like a very different place, and indeed it did. And you can read more about that in the three-volume history of live music in the UK which will emerge from the project. In the rest of this paper I want to say a little more about the project, then look at the ideology of concert promoters and in particular their notions of risk taking and what it is they think they are selling.

Putting it bluntly, our timing was perfect. The research took place at a time when live music was in ascendancy. As noted before we began in April and in PRS For Music reported that for the irst time in living memory the value of live music in the UK in that year exceeded the value of recorded music Page and Carey The following year the same organisation reported that the gap had widened in Page and Carey Now there are lots of caveats to the igures and some evidence that live might also be suffering.

Nevertheless there is some evidence that live music is eco- nomically dominant and that the economic dominance of the recording sector is a thing of the past and unlikely to return. Meanwhile a key igure in our research was the concert promoter, those people responsible for putting on gigs. We sought to understand the live music industry through the prism of the promoter and interviewed around one hundred of them, ranging from people who put on gigs in their local pub up to the head of Live Na- tion in the UK and Harvey Goldsmith, the best known promoter in the UK and best known for staging Live Aid.

So that if you want to understand something about the state of the contemporary music industries, then understanding the worldviews of con- certs promoters is a pretty good place to start. In fact our research suggested that we can think of three types of promoter — enthusi- asts who just put on acts they like whether for proit or not , professionals who put on acts in order to make a living and governmental who put on acts in order to fulil certain government policies.

Nev- ertheless, they all face common problems — getting an act, venue, setting the price always a very risky business , selling tickets and producing the event. In thinking through how to deal with these issues, a certain worldview emerges and it is this that I want to explore. I am not suggesting that this worldview is some sort of objective reality, more that if we want to understand the music industries in then we need to understand that worldview.

If they book artists, venues, advertising and then produce the show there is risk in every step. Our work was partly historical and so that context is needed. Here we were re- peatedly told that the concert promoting business is becoming riskier. And there is more competition now than in the s Betesh Paul Latham , the UK CEO of Live Nation, told us that one of the things that his colleague Barry Clayman, has sleepless nights over now is how much you have to put on the line to guarantee.

Promoters also said that bigger productions meant that artists often wanted more upfront in order to pay for stage design and construction Boyd or for what- ever reason Latham Overall, they felt themselves to put under a number of pressures. On a more practical level Mark Mackie of Edinburgh promotions company Regu- lar Music told us that taking a risk was one of the two things promoters were paid for, the other being to actually produce the show Mackie Such a notion was pickled up by veteran promoter John Giddings , who said: I told someone the other day they were stupid for betting on horses.

Nevertheless a certain frame of mind was required. That is gambling. Because I like games of chance actually, which is possibly like a lot of promoters anyway. I take promotion much more seriously than a game of cards. And actually, something that may be why people maybe com- pare it is that actually the odds are maybe better in a game of cards than on a gig really, and how much money you make on gigs, proportionally. So we became aware of a number of ways of minimising risk.

The advantage is to spread the risk but this entails a loss of control and lower return. In the case of Live Nation they may also try and own all the car parks in the areas surrounding their venues. Another way of ameliorating risk was thinking long term, so that you get involved with an artist an early stage and hope they stay loyal. There were also sound business practices such as trying to stop acts touring too much and not overpricing, two concerns which recurred in our work.

Meanwhile, as self-perceived risk takers the promoters tended to have some disdain for those they perceived as not taking risk. Prime amongst these were agents who got their percentage regardless of how many ticket are sold. So veteran promoter Barrie Marshall told us: The promoter takes the risk. And that is a pretty comprehensive re- sponsibility. So, to summarise this section, promoters see themselves as risk takers, even as gamblers, who take certain steps to ameliorate risk but nevertheless have a certain disdain for those they view as taking no risks.

But the nature of the risk is mediated by the product that the promoters are trying to sell, and they had some views on that as well. Moreover there was a feeling that in an age where everything was reproducible live music remained the ultimate un-reproducible experience. Of course this was at a point in history when live music is more routinized than ever and ever more mediated. Nevertheless the ideology of the un-replicable experience as clearly important to promoters.

Everything is disposable. You shared that room, that breathing space, with that person. Access to the act. And people want the live thing. Always will. Importantly, promoters frequently expressed feelings that seeing an artist live was the deinitive popular music experience. I remember, yeah! What is important to note here is that why all this may or may not be true it is ex- pressly linked to business strategy.

That was you sharing time with that person. There can only be items shown at a time, please add another word to narrow down the result. Y ahora me tiene la mente en la Thank God de It's unbelievable what I've been through Gave niggas handouts they become a handful What it do? What it do? SeanJ oh n threw a bag so Back to back tri 8 Enrique Iglesias Es que yo sin ti tu sin mi dim NickyJam Y aunque tu padre no aprobo esta relacion yo sigo insistiendo a pedir perdon lo unico que importa esta en tu corazon La Luna Oh that is funky what is that?

Yo what beat is that? It's from the phone Could rhyme on this Right By You for Right By You for Luna Will you live like me in a world run by desire? Will you wake from worldly dream and not be tired? Will you work like me t Do you cut a deal with love and run again?

You see love con I couldn't say'I need more time' But don't be scared of me girl I can explain I know it's foreign to you I know it's hard to believe God give me the favor Let me I spin around two times I'll be there with the answer Let me explain I'm bizarre avant-garde Both sides of me are evenly Child Of The Sun anity and luna cy two alike but differently getting naughty at the scene and blowing off the steam Summer wine is circulating in my blood Si Me Dices Que Si feat.

Bourbon ; I count luna r cycles with faithless prophets[Pre-Chorus] Cause since I've been found I've been living a life in cages Withering down to the Oh Universe logy6. I could atomize these lonely luna r views But with thorns in my ankle 22 Uh-Huh Yeah! Uh-huh yeah! Uh-huh ye Yeah'cause we're all luna tics Yeah we're all strange But when we come together Everything like that just fades away[Chorus] Uh-huh yeah!

I Rise the west oh yeah For luna r every quarter The moon brings in 27 2. Hungry Ham k full of luna tics call my shit Hungry Ham Damn! Aunt: Yeah! Like he gon' be a rapper or something like- Mom: Darold come home and get his ass beat!

Only when you want se 28 3. Strive k full of luna tics call my shit Hungry Ham Damn! Only when you want se 29 The Struggle Is Real el Hey no oh no why no? Cause the struggle's real! Actions shout Actions shout luna tic! Same results still doesn't click Heart is racing brains like mush Still searching for another rush Hey no How does it feel? And I say Hey no And I say Hey no oh no why no? When the struggle's real! And we say H 31 8. Lunatic tory8. Luna tic Oh I need you tonight Wanna hold you tight Turn down lights and we're together You are weak you are wild The Betrayal light Oh the tragedy!

The unbearable agony! The means by which I've been stripped of my ideology! The things I have seen make it hard to d Seduction of Decay a den of luna cy Who can we trust? Who's next in line? The sacred drive to rationalize Commit ourselves another day to the lesser crime Choke Glory m high as luna r I'm wilder than tigers Nikes Pumas Woo this that shit you didn't want me on My weed louder than underarms and car alarms Cheer Into the Void ption and luna cy'Deception and luna cy' I used to measure the heavens Although my soul was from hell Now I dare not to look at myself For me there is no cure'For me Paloma Negra aldecirte oh por ti rezar he tengo miedo de buscarte y mas aun de encontrarte donde me aseguran que te vas hay momentos en que pienso que es m LumberJack Match anywhere Oh lovely lovely lovely blood And now the world tag-team champions!

Cock back the hammer watch me lay them down Czarface the villian Pa' hacerlo lento lento lento Enamorarte Eh eh! Pa' hacerlo lento lento lento Tu y yo na' mas Pa' hacerlo lento lento lento En Jekyll But there ain't no hiding Mr. Hyde Every last one of us Are pretty much the sa Ginger ng like a luna tic who needs a tide Sinewed something awful Told me'you can't swim if you can't dive So should I grow up and stem 45 King Shit feat. Signos Tarja- Luna Park Ride2. How pain do never cease The sign do lead us on our Resurrection never ending path

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Tears are shed, a shame I should have known The crown weighs heavy Heavy as I sit back in my throne. I say hey, it wasn't me I'm just a pawn But the devil's not into details Where have all the heroes gone? So what are you waiting for Tell me what's the hesitation? What are you waiting for Tell me what is the delay? Hey I don't know The victor earns the title "The Great" All the mysteries get unlearned All the history just becomes a string of dates.

The hordes overrun in a clean sweep Destroying everything that was built Where's the glory in making mothers weep? What are you waiting for Your special invitation? Quiero recibir notificaciones de artistas destacados y noticias. Hey I Don't Know Kongos. Tears are shed, a shame I should have known I should have thought I could have thought Before I cast that stone The waves radiate far and wide There's a ringing in my ears For a minute I think I'm going blind Tears are shed, a shame I should have known The crown weighs heavy Heavy as I sit back in my throne I say hey, it wasn't me I'm just a pawn But the devil's not into details Where have all the heroes gone?

Hey I don't know Why don't you tell me? The dream is broken Now the mind must be woken So what are you waiting for Tell me what's the hesitation? Hey I don't know The victor earns the title "The Great" All the mysteries get unlearned All the history just becomes a string of dates The hordes overrun in a clean sweep Destroying everything that was built Where's the glory in making mothers weep?

Hey I don't know The dream is broken Now the mind must be woken So what are you waiting for Tell me what's the hesitation? Hey I don't know. Your current browser isn't compatible with SoundCloud. Please download one of our supported browsers. Need help? Chrome Firefox Safari Edge. Something went wrong Is your network connection unstable or browser outdated? I need help.

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